
Volume 9, Number 4
December 2000
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Pierre Trudeau's Legacy
by Fred McMahon, Director of the Social Affairs Centre, The Fraser Institute
Pierre Elliott Trudeau was a great man. Few leaders, through dint of their
own will, are able to change a nation's historical path. Margaret Thatcher
did it in Britain. Ronald Reagan did it in the United States. Pierre Trudeau
did it in Canada.
In Britain, Labour essentially adopted Thatcherite policies to get elected.
Democrats in the United States adopted Reagan's policies. Similarly, the
Conservative government of Brian Mulroney hardly touched the government
and constitutional structure left by Pierre Trudeau.
When Trudeau became Prime Minister, Canada's vaunted post-war social programs—the
Canadian Pension Plan and Medicare—were already in place. Yet Canadians
had about the same level of taxes as the United States. Our standard of
living was as high or higher than that in the US. The national debt built
up in the war years had almost been erased. Unemployment was as low in
Canada as it was in the United States. The Canadian dollar was usually
stronger than the US greenback.
Under Trudeau, Canadian taxes exploded. Despite all the extra taxes, the
national debt soared. Since Trudeau did not launch new innovative social
programs, where did all the money go?
Trudeau took more and more money out of the private sector for a potpourri
of wild schemes. Government planners decided they could do better than
the private sector. Economic development schemes flourished, crown corporations
grew, economic planning intensified.
But the government planners weren't able to do better. Canadian unemployment,
for the first time in history, became substantially and consistently greater
than US unemployment. Canadian economic growth, for the first time in history,
began substantially and consistently to lag behind US growth.
The economic planning and social engineering were most intense in Atlantic
Canada, and the region suffered the most from Trudeau's policies. When
Trudeau came to power, Atlantic Canadian economic growth exceeded the national
average. Unemployment in the Maritimes was little more than in the rest
of Canada. Within a few years, Atlantic Canadian growth had crashed below
the national average and unemployment was skyrocketing.
Economic development programs politicized the economy, giving rewards to
those who were the best connected politically, not those who were most
successful in the marketplace. Unemployment insurance reforms directed
people away from full-time work in growing industries into dead-end seasonal
industries. The corruption of the fisheries into a political tool, with
no regard for ecological concerns, directly lead to the environmental,
economic, and human disaster which later befell the industry.
Neither Trudeau nor his successors undertook urgently needed reforms. CPP
and Medicare are essentially unchanged since the 1960s. Medicare and the
CPP need reform to give people greater control over their medical care
and pension plans. Yet, federal governments— particularly Trudeau's—have
maintained an old-time paternalistic attitude.
Not all bad things happened on Trudeau's watch. It takes a long time to
weaken a dynamic economy. But Trudeau-style policies were responsible.
Brian Mulroney neither returned Canada to its historical pre-Trudeau economic
path nor did he adopt the Thatcher or Reagan revolution. Taxes increased
under Mulroney and the politicization of the economy continued unabated.
Only on free trade did the Mulroney government differ substantially from
the Trudeau government on economic policy, though economic intervention
did lessen.
It's hardly surprising that Trudeau privately praised Mulroney as a worthy
successor, at least until Mulroney tried to bring Quebec into the constitution.
Trudeau had left a lingering constitutional sore when, quite literally,
in the dead of night behind Quebec's back, he formed a cabal with English
premiers to bring the constitution to Canada without Quebec's approval.
This has been the source of our costly constitutional squabbles ever since.
When Mulroney tried to bring Quebec into the constitution by offering a
more flexible federalism, Trudeau and his allies successfully battled against
the agreement.
When Trudeau first became Prime Minister, Quebec separatists were a fringe
party. The growth of separatism under Trudeau hardly justifies the common
idea that Trudeau, in his own words, "wrestled separatism to the ground."
Separatism might never have become a threat under Robert Stanfield's more
flexible approach to federalism.
None of this makes Trudeau a bad man. He was brilliant, astonishingly charming,
and unquestionably courageous. He was neither cruel nor particularly vindictive.
He wanted to do right for Canada. Most importantly, he had the deep affection,
loyalty, and love of those closest to him. That may be the best mark of
a man, but it's not a reason to maintain a legacy of failed policies.
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