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December 2000 Fraser Forum: Destructive Power of EI Reintroduced in Atlantic Canada
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Fred McMahon
A real human tragedy may be in the making. The proposed un-reform of employment
insurance could devastate young lives and communities across Atlantic Canada
and some parts of Quebec.
Billions of dollars, collected from paycheques across Canada, will flood
into the region. And a large portion of it will be used for the most perverse
purpose possible. It will, in effect, bribe tens of thousands of young
people to stop their education or training—or to give up promising career
paths—to take on dead-end seasonal work and join the employment insurance
(EI) merry-go-round.
The proposed un-reform of EI will eliminate the intensity rule, which decreased
payments to repeat users of EI. And it will dramatically reduce clawbacks
from EI recipients with incomes in excess of $50,000 a year.
This will take the brake off the EI merry-go-round and start it spinning
again. Reforms in 1996 changed the name from unemployment insurance (UI)
to EI. More importantly, they made EI less attractive as a life-long career
path through the intensity and clawback provisions. The proposed un-reforms
reverse that.
Seasonal work is typically well paid. In rural areas, prior to the 1996
reforms, someone bouncing between short stretches of seasonal work and
UI would often take home more money in the course of a year than someone
who worked year-round, particularly in entry level jobs.
This created a powerful incentive for young people. Why work year-round,
even in a job with career potential, when you can earn more simply by taking
an eight-month vacation? Why go to school, when the government will pay
you to drop out? In this sort of two-step, you hardly need education or
skills training for your low-skill seasonal job or to open your government
cheque.
This is chapter three of the on-going EI tragedy. The first chapter followed
the "regionally-extended" reform to unemployment insurance (UI) in 1971,
dramatically increasing the generosity and accessibility of the system
in "have-not" regions. This trapped two generations with the perverse incentives
discussed above. Then chapter two. The 1996 reforms created real hardship
for many families and workers who, when young, had been bribed into the
UI stream by government largesse and had never developed the skills needed
to hold a year- round, full-time job in the modern economy. These people
felt they had been offered a contract by government. They had shaped their
lives to collect UI, and they now had no options. They felt betrayed. Anger
spread through Atlantic Canada. The federal Liberals lost many seats.
Those already trapped by the system —for which they were not responsible,
as it was developed by policy-makers and politicians in far-away Ottawa—
should be treated compassionately, but their plight should be reason enough
not to trap the next generation. That was the purpose of the 1996 reforms.
And the reforms were working, or at least half working. It’s true that
those who had already been trapped by the system remained trapped. Few
re-entered the permanent work force. All that happened was that thousands
of families saw their income drop dramatically.
The reforms also invented a new perversity, one that drew many people into
the fishery at a time when the Department of Fisheries at least said it
was trying to reduce the number of fishers through a costly program of
license buybacks and early retirement. The new rule allowed fishers to
collect EI for up to half a year just for catching $2,500 worth of fish.
That could often be done in a few days, particularly for lucrative—and
overfished—shellfish stocks.
However, the 1996 reforms appeared successful—and dramatically successful—in
a most important aspect: avoiding future human tragedy. Young people were
no longer streaming out of school to join the EI system. In fact, the number
of 18 to 29 year-olds in schools and other educational institutions has
increased by about 50 percent.
I am from Atlantic Canada. I grew up when UI was being enriched the first
time. I’ve seen how the system works. I’ve seen how it destroys lives.
I still have friends from high school who, way back when, decided not to
look for real jobs, not to further their education, and not to develop
their skills.
They were enchanted by unemployment insurance. Ten weeks of work was all
you needed to collect UI for the rest of the year. When you’re young, 42
weeks of partying looks pretty good.
By the time the party stopped, most of their opportunities had passed by.
Now these old friends have hair that’s growing grey, if it’s still growing
at all. Their step has slowed, and life doesn’t seem like much of a party.
People forget that when UI was regionally extended in 1971, unemployment
in Atlantic Canada was just slightly above the national average. Regionally-extended
UI swept across the region like an economic plague, levelling economic
activity throughout Atlantic Canada.
In many communities, 80 to 90 percent of two-income families were soon
collecting UI. It destroyed what had been year round work patterns, even
in rural areas. Businesses across Atlantic Canada lost employees. To hire
workers, even in communities with sky-high unemployment, businesses had
to inflate their pay rates, often beyond what they could afford. They were
competing against a rich government with no budget constraint which their
increasing taxes were funding.
Within just a couple years of the 1971 UI reforms, Statistics Canada began
reporting labour shortages across the region, even as unemployment soared
into the double digits. UI was too good to give up. Atlantic Canadians
aren’t lazy; theirs was a rational response to an irrational policy. Successful
firms couldn’t hire and expand. Businesses failed. Year-round jobs disappeared.
Economic activity slowed. Much of the region became an employment wasteland.
Whole industries, particularly the fisheries, were structured to cycle
people through with just enough weeks of work to qualify for a year of
UI.
The tragedy was greatest in rural communities. It hit young people the
hardest. The UI cycle may seem like a good idea when you’re in your twenties.
But pay rates in real jobs go up over time. People are promoted. They learn
new skills. They find new opportunities. The UI/EI-merry-go-round produces
no such opportunities. A government-provided income that seems rich when
you’re young can seem awfully constraining when you want to raise a family.
By then, you’re trapped. The only line of work you know is work that is
subsidized by employment insurance.
Your future and your income are out of your hands. Everything depends on
government decisions. Whole families become government dependants, forced
to vote for whichever party promises the largest increase in their government
stipend. Such dependence robs people of their political freedom.
Many economists believe EI’s generosity should be kept low so that young
people in Atlantic Canada will go where the opportunities are. That option
is probably better than getting stuck in a never-ending rut. But it’s not
the whole story.
Ireland, that once famous exporter of people, started generating jobs hand
over fist when it put sensible policies in place—particularly tax cuts
and labour deals that kept wage growth moderate. That opened profit-making
opportunities and led to a surge of investment and job growth.
The same thing can happen in Atlantic Canada. In fact, it was happening
in Atlantic Canada before regionally-extended unemployment insurance was
introduced in 1971. Both New Brunswick and Nova Scotia had at least one
year with unemployment below the national average. PEI’s unemployment rate
was typically even lower. Prior to the 1971 UI reforms, the whole region
had been growing much faster than the rest of Canada.
The economic activity and the jobs destroyed by UI are gone. It will take
a long time for new leaders and businesses to arise and start rebuilding
the destruction left in UI’s wake. That’s no reason to start another round
of destruction.
Fred McMahon (fredm@fraserinstitute.ca) is Director of the Social Affairs
Centre at The Fraser Institute. Formerly with the Atlantic Institute for
Market Studies, his most recent book is Retreat from Growth: Atlantic Canada
and the Negative Sum Economy.
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