Volume 8, Number 5 - June, 1995

WHO'S TO BLAME FOR THE OKLAHOMA CITY BOMBING?

A sample of groups and persons discussed in the context of the bombing:

• Conservative talk radio
• Speaker of the House of Representatives, Newt Gingrich
• Albertans opposed to Justice Minister Alan Rock's gun control laws
• The religious right
• U.S. politician Pat Buchanan
• epublicans
• Conservatives
• Anti-government groups
• Groups opposed to taxes, gun control, government
• The Reform party
• Preston Manning
• Bob Dole

LAST YEAR THE NATIONAL MEDIA ARCHIVE conducted a content analysis of the use made by television news of the ideological labels "right" and "left." The study found that descriptions of right and left were routinely given negative associations. The analysis concluded that these terms were used as a form of name calling by the media.

The stakes in the name calling game have risen dramatically since the Oklahoma City bombing. The right has now become synonymous with the most violent and deadly terrorist attack on U.S. soil. How fair have the characterizations been, and who have been included as perpetrators of the bombing?

National Media Archive researchers analyzed one week of newspaper coverage, from April 22 to April 29, 1995, to assess this question. The sample was drawn from the Calgary Herald, the Toronto Star, the Vancouver Sun, the Montreal Gazette and the Globe and Mail. The purpose of this study was to see how the media assigned blame for the bombing. As such, the focus was on analysis and editorials rather than on news stories. Because television news rarely includes analysis and editorials, this study does not include that medium.

Anyone on the "right" is responsible

In identifying responsibility, both American and Canadian journalists have been guilty of lumping together mainstream conservatism with the extremist paramilitary movement. The Canadian daily newspapers we examined presented 39 articles during the week after the Oklahoma bombing as exposés or inquiries into the extreme right movement. Sixteen of these did not limit their discussion to para-military activities, but included mainstream conservatives as well. This conflation of categories is an example of journalists failing to define their terms. Over one-quarter of all newspaper references addressing the issue of culpability implicated the non-violent, law-abiding "right-wing."

A good example is Graham Fraser's April 26 Globe and Mail article: "Hate groups grab U.S. attention." Fraser includes as the "virulent voices of hatred," not only "skinheads," but Forbes writer Peter Brimelow, author of Alien Nation, as well as the authors of the controversial Bell Curve. Fraser ends his assessment by indicting the whole conservative movement with a quote by social activist Mary Ann Mauney. She states, "the Klan ideology is being mainstreamed . . . David Duke [a former Ku Klux Klan leader and extremist Louisiana politician] started attacking affirmative action in 1988. Now Bob Dole is in on it. It's not limited to the extremists any more."

Purveyors of hate

Rush Limbaugh, who U.S. president Bill Clinton alluded to as one of the "purveyors of hate," wrote an essay that addressed the problems with this accusatory form of reporting in the May 18th issue of Newsweek. He argued that the concern expressed by many conservatives about the legitimate role of government should not be equated with the advocation of the violent overthrow of the U.S. government by anarchists.

But link such groups and agendas together is exactly what newspaper columnists have done. For example, in an April 25 Calgary Herald opinion piece, Ashok Chandwani writes: "Is the growing conservative assault on governments on both sides of the border--and it's increasing public acceptance--creating a climate in which fringe groups from the radical right feel emboldened, if not empowered? The Newt Gingrichs and Pat Buchanans and groups like Human Life International would be vehement in disagreeing, but why is their demagoguery finding so many receptive ears?"

[Graham] Fraser includes as the "virulent voices of hatred," not only "skinheads," but Forbes writer Peter Brimelow, author of Alien Nation, as well as the authors of the controversial Bell Curve.

There were some reporters, however, who criticized the prevailing newspaper analysis linking the mainstream with the fringe. An example of this was an Associated Press story carried in the Vancouver Sun on April 26, 1995 that quoted U.S. Senator Don Nickles as saying, "This incident wasn't caused by Rush Limbaugh; this incident wasn't caused by people who think government is too big." Nickles' sentiments were echoed by Senator James Inhofe who said, "For the president to make comments and many others to make comments that perhaps this was a product of the far right and then not identify who that far right is, I don't think serves any useful purpose."

Double standard

Another interesting feature of the press coverage has been the double standard used by newspapers in reporting on violence associated with "angry white men" as opposed to "angry black men." In contrast to what we've come to expect of newspaper reports of villains, no excuses were made for the criminals this time. For example, in the aftermath of the Toronto and Los Angeles

In contrast to what we've come to expect . . . no excuses were made for the criminals this time.

riots in 1992, rioters were portrayed as victims. As On Balance reported in May of 1992, "Canadians analysts argued that the destruction in Toronto was due to the disenfranchised youth."

The expression of violent behaviour by groups officially designated as "oppressed" has a tradition of being justified by the press on the grounds that the agitators, rioters, and freedom fighters, were, after all, only seeking social justice. The looters, thugs, and murderers of the Los Angeles and Toronto riots were presented as victims of the system, victims of racism and poverty.

Rather than explain the possible motivation behind the Oklahoma City bombers' actions, as they did for the Toronto and LA rioters, the press spread blame to the much more widely-defined social movement of conservatism.

Anti-Americanism

Anti-American sentiment was visible in the Canadian press coverage of the Oklahoma City bombing. For example, the Vancouver Sun's Elizabeth Aird denigrated American culture and values in an April 27th article. She wrote: "Everyone has been stunned that terrorism struck mythical middle America. But that's where it lives. Look to where Christian fundamentalism thrives--in the farm houses and the small towns--and that's where you'll find the radicals who abide by no earthly law."

Terrance Wills of the Montreal Gazette quoted Prime Minister Chretien in an April 27th story as saying "Canada is less likely to see the sort of radicalism behind Oklahoma City because there are fewer `nuts' here than in the U.S."

Journalists didn't fall for Rock's gun control linkage

Justice Minister Allan Rock tried to justify his gun-control legislation by arguing that without it, militias would move into Canada. To their credit, Canadian journalists saw through the political manoeuvre.

While ten percent of the stories we analyzed with respect to Oklahoma City concentrated on gun control, they were sceptical of Rock's motives and argument. The Montreal Gazette and the Vancouver Sun both carried Southam News stories entitled "Rock exploits U.S. bombings: MP Reform member says minister tries to bolster gun bill." Reporter Mike Blanchfield quoted from Reform MP Jack Ramsay: "I am appalled that the Minister of Justice would try to capitalize on such a heinous crime in order to drum up support for his gun regulation."

Summary of the Oklahoma City Bombing

By resorting to innuendo and "guilt by association" tactics, newspapers presented the Oklahoma City bombing as a predictable out-growth of the right-wing re-alignment in the U.S. Congress.

Canadian newspapers have been guilty of lumping together mainstream conservatism with the right-wing paramilitary movement. Over one-quarter of all newspaper references addressing the issue of culpability made mention of the non-violent, law-abiding "right-wing."

Newspapers revealed a double standard in reporting on violence associated with "angry white men" as opposed to "angry black men." Rather than explain the motivation behind the Oklahoma City bombers' actions, as they did for the Toronto and LA riots, the press spread blame to the much more widely-defined social movement of conservatism.

Methodology for the Oklahoma City Bombing

Results are based on 10 Calgary Herald, 3 Toronto Star, 9 Vancouver Sun, 5 Montreal Gazette and 12 Globe and Mail analyses and editorials from April 22 to April 29, 1995. Further information or details on the coding design and methods may be obtained by contacting the National Media Archive.

Covering Interest Rates

In our second in a continuing series of analysis of television coverage of the economy, we examine the economic indicator most mentioned in television news: interest rates. Of the economic indicators reported by television news in the last two years, interest rates received 34 percent of CBC's and 37 percent of CTV's attention.

Bank rate in focus

As figure A shows, the most frequently mentioned interest rate was that set by the Bank of Canada. Nearly 50 percent of CBC and 45 percent of CTV coverage of interest rates focused on the Bank of Canada rate. The reporting of interest rates was so consistent that only in October 1993 did the networks fail to mention interest rates at all.

During 1994, U.S. interest rates began to receive attention on Canadian television news. Reporters began to link the increases in U.S. interest rates with potential increases in the rates in Canada. For example, on February 4, 1994, CBC's Peter Mansbridge reported: "It's been a wild day on financial markets. It all started with a surprise announcement that interest rates will rise in the U.S. That sent stock markets tumbling on both sides of the border. The TSE's 300 composite index dropped 113 points, the biggest one-day drop in more than four years. Our dollar had a wild ride as well, partly because of some comments made by Finance Minister Paul Martin. He suggested that Canadian interest rates may end up lower than U.S. rates. That helped push the dollar down two-thirds of a cent."

Interest increased as rates rose

As illustrated in figure B, although the networks discussed interest rates throughout 1993 and 1994, attention began to heighten as the rates increased in 1994. This is consistent with our previous findings that negative economic news is more newsworthy than positive economic news. Overall, attention to interest rates peaked during instances when the rates showed a tendency to move up.

The real peak in coverage came in the latter part of March and early April 1994 after the Liberal government's first budget. While the networks initially gave little attention to interest rates immediately following the budget, the rising pressure on the rates drew the networks' attention. As the rates continued to climb, analysts were brought in to explain the change. They presented the case that increased borrowing costs and continued deficits demanded a corresponding rise in the Canadian rate and that Canada had to follow the American lead to stay competitive. For example, David Stewart Patterson reported on the CTV news on March 30, 1994: "The news flashing across computer screens came as no surprise to money traders. Inflation may be gone, but U.S. interest rates are going up, and international lenders are getting worried about Canada's huge government debts and the coming election in Quebec."

Is interest rate reporting related to consumer confidence?

According to the summer 1994 issue of the Conference Board of Canada's Index of Consumer Attitudes, decreases in consumer confidence are related to steep interest rate hikes. In the autumn survey, the Conference Board indicated that "confidence increases with strong employment growth." Interestingly, pressure on interest rates continued to rise in the second quarter of 1994, yet the Conference Board did not discuss the role of interest rates in the consumer confidence figures. The Conference Board's reliance on economic indicators to explain consumer confidence may ignore a significant component of what influences consumer behaviour: notably, the role of the media.

. . . increased borrowing costs and continued deficits demanded a corresponding rise in the Canadian rate and . . . Canada had to follow the American lead to stay competitive.

This examination of television news coverage of economic indicators reveals that CBC and CTV focused considerable attention in March on rising interest rates and declining unemployment. During the summer months, even when unemployment continued to fall and interest rates fluctuated, television attention to those indicators waned. While consumer confidence went down slightly, the impact of the indicators on consumers might have been lessened because of the decline in focus by television news.

Summary of Interest Rates

Nearly 50 percent of CBC's and 45 percent of CTV's coverage of interest rates focused on the rate set by the Bank of Canada. The reporting of interest rates was so consistent that only in October of 1993 did the networks fail to mention interest rates at all.

Although the networks discussed interest rates throughout 1993 and 1994, attention began to heighten as the rates increased in 1994. This is consistent with our previous findings that negative economic news is more newsworthy than positive economic news.

Methodology on Interest Rates

Results on interest rates are based on census samples of 79 CBC Prime Time, 1 Saturday Report, and 5 Venture stories, as well as 104 CTV news stories from January 1, 1993 to December 31, 1994. All stories about interest rates appearing during that time were coded, representing a total population rather than a random sample of stories.

Further information or details on the coding design and methods may be obtained by contacting the National Media Archive.

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