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The Economic Freedom Network
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MURDER DOWN FOR FOURTH
YEAR IN A ROW-CTV COVERAGE UP
FOR THE FOURTH YEAR IN A ROW, STATISTICS Canada reported a
decrease in Canada's murder rate. But during the same period, national television news
reports have increased their attention to murder stories. In particular, over the past
four years CTV has steadily increased its coverage of murder stories. While CBC also
increased its attention to murder stories in three of the past four years, in 1995 its
coverage decreased moderately (see figure A).
Click here to view Figure A: Stories on Murder from
January 1, 1989 to December 31, 1995
O.J. Simpson and Paul Bernardo trials dominate coverage
Part of the volume of murder stories in 1995 resulted from two highly publicized murder
trials, one in Canada and one south of the border. The Paul Bernardo and O.J. Simpson
trials comprised 18 percent each of CBC's murder stories. On CTV, the O.J. Simpson trial
was reported more frequently than the Bernardo trial. As figure B shows, 24 percent of
CTV's murder stories were about O.J. Simpson, while 21 percent were about the Paul
Bernardo double-murder trial.
Click here to view Figure B: Murders Reported on
Television in 1995
These trials consistently dominated television news reports throughout 1995. Canadian
national television news reported some aspect of the O.J. Simpson trial every month except
November. Similarly, the Bernardo trial was reported by CBC every month except May, while
CTV had at least one story per month on the Bernardo/Homolka trial.
At the height of the Bernardo double-murder trial, reporters' coverage degenerated to
something akin to that of sportscasters, with the star players and the strategies of the
opposing teams described. For example, on July 3, 1995, CBC's Brian Stewart
introduced the "Prime Time Magazine" with: "The trial of Paul Bernardo has
been described as Canada's murder trial of the century. Tomorrow marks the beginning of a
critical new stage. The cross-examination of the prosecution's star witness, Karla
Homolka, who over two weeks consistently blamed Paul Bernardo for the killings. But now,
as the defence prepares to challenge Karla's story, people are wondering what dramatic new
direction the trial might take. To discuss some of the possible defence strategies, we're
joined by . . . "
Despite the emphasis on the two high-profile murder trials in 1995, television
consistently focused on another aspect of murder-random murders.
Television overstates random murder
According to Statistics Canada, just 16 percent of the murders in 1995 were committed by
someone unknown to the victim. However, television news was most likely to focus on random
murders. Of the murders that originated in Canada, 54 percent of CBC and 66 percent of CTV
coverage focused on random murders. Only 18 percent of CBC and 11 percent of CTV news
stories on Canadian murders focused on those committed by someone known to the victim. The
distortion of television news is more evident when one considers that 83 percent of the
murders in Canada are committed by a spouse or acquaintance of the victim.
These types of murders did not hold the attention of television news to any great extent.
The stories that were told on television tended to be the most gruesome and senseless of
the murders. For example, on April 5, 1995, CBC's Kevin Tibbles reported: "Over the
weekend a 75-year-old retired Anglican priest and his 70-year-old wife were killed in the
bedroom of their Beaconsfield home. The Reverend Frank Toope and his wife, Jocelyn, were
apparently surprised by intruders who beat them to death with a baseball bat-all that to
steal $100 in cash and jewellery."
With television reports consistently and graphically describing the most loathsome of
violent acts, it does not come as a surprise when Gallup Canada reported that only 4
percent of Canadians believe violent crime to be decreasing. [R.
Gary Edwards and Jon Hughes, "43% Believe Violent Crime is on the Rise," The
Gallup Poll, June 13, 1996.] Television is a persuasive medium-and it has been
indirectly telling Canadians that murder is becoming a greater problem when in fact the
murder rate has been decreasing.
Journalists Mollycoddle the NDP During the B.C. Election
THE PREVIOUS EDITION OF ON BALANCE (vol. 9, no. 7) examined local CBC, BCTV, and U.TV
coverage of the recent B.C. election campaign and found that all three stations' reports
contained more statements criticizing the opposition Liberals than the incumbent NDP. One
explanation of the unusually critical coverage of the opposition party was that the NDP's
Glen Clark assailed the Liberals more often and more forcefully that Liberal leader Gordon
Campbell attacked the NDP.
However, as the following analysis shows, local journalists were far from balanced in
their reports. On both BCTV and U.TV, reporters were more critical of the Liberals than
the NDP (see figure C).
Click here to view Figure C: All TV Reporters on
the Liberals; All TV Reports on the NDP
Similar to the 1991 B.C. election when the National Media Archive criticized local T.V.
journalists for their flagrant favouritism of the New Democrats at the expense of the
incumbent Social Credit Party (On Balance, vol. 4, no. 7), in 1996 the NDP again received
preferential treatment. Journalists defended their coverage of the '91 campaign, claiming
that it is a standard journalistic practise to be more critical of the incumbent party.
However, although the NDP was the incumbent party in the 1996, they received fewer
criticisms than did the Liberals.
Reporters' commentaries on the Liberals were four times more negative than positive on
BCTV, and five times more negative than positive on U.TV. CBC journalists were the least
critical of the Liberals, offering them twice as many criticisms as accolades.
Reporters were also critical of the NDP platform and prospects, but to a lesser extent
than they were of the Liberals. BCTV reporters' statements about the NDP were twice as
critical as complimentary, while U.TV reporters' commentaries were three times as negative
as positive. CBC reporters were the most critical of the New Democrats, providing three
times as many negative as positive assessments. In contrast to the journalists at BCTV and
U.TV, CBC reporters focused the balance of their criticisms on the NDP.
Keith Baldrey: reporter or pundit?
One reporter, BCTV's Keith Baldrey, dominated the television coverage. Over the 29-day
campaign, Baldrey made 410 statements, more than double the number of statements of any
other reporter with the exception of U.TV's Russ Froese (259 statements).
Not only did Baldrey surpass his colleagues in the number of statements, but he was also
one of the most outspoken journalists (see figure D). Fully one-third of his commentary
provided an opinion on party policies and campaign strategies. While BCTV reporters as a
group were critical of both the Liberals and the NDP, Baldrey singled out the Liberals for
his criticism. For example, he provided 45 critical assessments of the Liberal campaign
compared to just 8 negative assessments of the NDP campaign. Overall, Baldrey was slightly
more positive than negative towards the New Democrats, but five times more critical than
complimentary of the Liberals.
Click here to view Figure D: Top Ten Reporters Talking About the
Liberals; Top Ten Reporters Talking About the NDP
Balance in T.V. Reports Goes Up in Smoke
IN 1993 THE U.S. ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION Agency (EPA) produced a study which found that
3,000 Americans died each year as the direct consequence of second hand smoke. Since that
time, governments throughout Canada and the United States have banned smoking from
shopping malls to public parks on the grounds that smoking poses a public health risk.
Most recently, Toronto announced a ban on smoking in all bars and restaurants.
Similar to most scientific studies that examine controversial issues, the validity of the
EPA study has been questioned on numerous grounds. The Globe and Mail's interpretation of
the scientific literature, outlined in an editorial the day after Toronto announced its
ban, was "Smoking is an absurd and foolish activity, highly hazardous to those who
practice it regularly; possibly dangerous (though the science on this is fuzzy and
dubious) but certainly annoying to those close to the practitioner, inhaling it second
hand." ["Toronto, up in smoke," Globe and Mail, July
4, 1996, p. A18.]
No doubt second hand smoke poses certain risks to non-smokers, but is that risk so great
as to warrant a total ban on smoking in all public places? While science is the best forum
for determining the level of risk, it is almost irrelevant in the contest for public
opinion-what really counts is how the science is reported by the media. How has television
news, arguably the most influential media, reported the evidence on the risks associated
with second hand smoke?
Smoking debate heats up
The National Media Archive examined the past 8 years of CBC and CTV national news reports
that discussed the risks associated with second hand smoke, also known as environmental
tobacco smoke or ETS. Unlike the Globe and Mail's stance, the television reports
unambiguously presented the view that second hand smoke is dangerous and often deadly (see
figure E). Ninety percent of CBC and 86 percent of CTV coverage discussed the health risks
associated with second hand smoke as well-established, scientifically valid findings. Only
10 percent of CBC and 14 percent of CTV coverage questioned the severity of the risks
posed by second hand smoke or the validity of the science.
Click here to view Figure E: Health Risks of
Environmental Tobacco Smoke (ETS) as Reprted by CTV, 1990-1996
For example, on June 7, 1994, CTV's Jim O'Connell reported that the American Medical
Association had found that non-smoking women who lived with a smoking spouse had a 30
percent greater chance of developing lung cancer than women whose spouses did not smoke.
What O'Connell did not report was that when the duration of exposure to second hand smoke
was less than two decades, the effect, according to the lead author of the study,
Elizabeth Fontham, was "very small." [AP, Winnipeg Free
Press, June 8, 1994, p. A6.]
Similarly, CBC reporters rarely questioned the severity of the risks or the government's
claim that smoking must be banned in order to protect public health. On January 6, 1993,
CBC's Pamela Wallin stated: "Tonight second hand smoke has been convicted. The crime
is killing people. That is the conclusion of a sweeping report by the U.S. Environmental
Protection Agency."
The EPA report, Respiratory Health Effects of Passive Smoking: Lung Cancer and Other
Disorders, has subsequently been attacked on various fronts for its lack of scientific
rigour. Yale University epidemiologist Alvan Feinstein wrote in Toxicological Pathology
that a colleague had commented that the EPA study was ". . . rotten science, but it's
a worthy cause. It will help us to get rid of cigarettes and to become a smoke-free
society." John C. Luik, "Pandora's Box: the Dangers of Politically Corrupted
Science for Democratic Public Policy," Bostonia, Winter 1993-94, p. 57.>
Similarly, in the book Science Without Sense: The Risky Business of Public Health
Research, Steven Milloy cites the EPA study as an example of some of the very worst
science being practised today.[Science Without Sense: The Risky
Business of Public Health Research, The Cato Institute, p. 30.]
While The Globe and Mail has acknowledged that science has failed to prove the risks of
second hand smoke, CBC and CTV have consistently reported that second hand smoke kills.
The only CBC reporter to question whether or not second hand smoke posed a risk was Anne
Petrie. The government had announced a smoking ban in all federal prisons. On the July 27,
1995 CBC "Prime Time News" Petrie asked whether the ban was due to health
concerns or whether it was intended as a further punishment for prisoners. She asked:
"Do you buy the corrections policy [that] it's a health issue?" It would seem
that the media's concern with political correctness placed the protection of prisoners'
rights ahead of the campaign for a smoke-free Canada.
Recent ban causes T.V. reporters to consider smokers' rights
Since Toronto's announcement of a smoking ban in all bars and restaurants, television
journalists have begun to question whether the regulations are "going too far."
On the July 3, 1996 CBC's "National Magazine," host Brian Stewart commented,
"There is a concern not only among smokers, but some non-smokers as well, that maybe
municipalities are simply going too far in this general trend. I mean, no political party
or movement came to power in the local municipal elections on a platform of banning
cigarette smoking in bars . . ."
Toronto Councillor Peter Tabuns replied, "I think that we have a responsibility to
look after public health in this city. If there was an outbreak of any other disease, like
we're seeing with cancer death, with lung cancer death, people would be saying,
"Where are the public authorities?" We're responding to a public health
situation, and, I think, quite rightly responding to that."
At no time during the interview did Stewart question Councillor Tabuns assertions
regarding the severity of the risks.
Conclusion
National television news has, through its selective reporting on the evidence about the
dangers of second hand smoke, been a proponent of government and non-smokers' rights
groups. Journalists have sought out the scientists and doctors who are willing to publicly
state that second hand smoke is an extreme hazard from which the public must be protected.
Reporters have ignored doctors with the more moderate but prevalent view that second hand
smoke is a minor risk unless one is exposed to it for a significant duration. Studies have
been reported without qualifications, thereby exaggerating and often distorting the true
findings. Even scientists involved in the studies that examinine the risks associated with
second hand smoke state publicly that the risks from it are "very small" unless
one is exposed to it on a daily basis for 10 or 20 years. Television news has simply said
that second hand smoke is a killer.
By presenting a unified front on the dangers of second hand smoke, television news has
become the proponent of a politically correct cause instead of a non-partisan observer.
Rather than presenting the public with all the relevant facts and letting them decide for
themselves whether the risks posed warrant the ban, television has distorted the facts in
overt support of the non-smoking campaign.
The television reports give credence to the government's line that the issue is the
protection of the non-smoker. What is forgotten is that adults must constantly decide what
risks are acceptable, both for themselves and for their children. No Canadian citizen is
being coerced to frequent or work in a particular restaurant or pub.
Government has the ability to dictate public conduct, but the unanswered question is
whether they have received the mandate to do so. The standard response given by
officials-the need to protect public health-is weak because the science is suspect.
However, television has legitimized this response and thereby assisted government in
further limiting the activities of Canadians. At the same time, television reports have
failed to provide the public with the information needed to rationally appraise the
benefits and limits of the new laws.
Methodology on the "Balance in TV
Reports Goes Up in Smoke"
Results are based on the following CBC programs: 5 "National," 3 "National
Magazine," 3 "Journal," 7 "Prime Time News" and 1
""Sunday Report" as well as 14 CTV "Evening News" from January 1,
1988 to July 15, 1996.
All stories appearing during that time were analyzed, representing a total population
rather than a random sample of stories.
Further information or details on the coding design and methodology may be obtained by
contacting the National Media Archive.
info@fraserinstitute.ca
You can contact us at the above email address for any comments or information requests. Please report any dead links or technical problems.
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Last Modified: Wednesday, October 20, 1999.
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